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Daily Maverick

Used goods: Will the new law work?

Daily Maverick, 29 May 2012 – 

Second-hand goods tell stories of their own. They speak of the romance and mystery of bygone times as much as they speak of the desperation that drives sectors of the second-hand industry in South Africa. I visited Brixton, Johannesburg, to find out how efforts to regulate the second-hand trade have impacted business there.

Earlier this month, the full weight of the Second Hand Goods Act, tabled in Parliament way back in 2009, came into law. It’s meant to give the police more clout in dealing with the scourge of ill-gotten gains readily available in second-hand stores across the country.

Most significantly, this law equates possession of a stolen item with the act of stealing. In other words, the police have the right to arrest anyone caught buying stolen goods.

In March, police minister Nathi Mthethwa described the act as “an important tool in the effort to clamp down on stolen goods”. And away from the shenanigans of the upper brass of the South African Police Services, this law should aid the SAPS to get on with on with actual police work, fighting crime and putting the bad guys away.

Among other things, the act requires all dealers of second-hand goods to report to the police suspicious transactions where the seller attempts to provide false particulars, or where goods are suspected to have been stolen. Second-hand goods dealers and pawnbrokers will therefore not only have to take reasonable steps to ensure that they do not buy stolen goods or goods that have been tampered with, but also be careful from whom they buy goods. If an unscrupulous dealer is found guilty, a court can impose a prison sentence of up to 10 years. The onus, then, is on dealers to ensure the goods they sell are not the products of theft.

In Brixton, Johannesburg, second-hand goods dealers are less than enthused with the additional responsibility. Much like Hillbrow, the city’s more notorious pocket of crime and squalor, Brixton’s heyday lives in subtle hints of architecture and in the memory of its oldest residents. And just as Hillbrow is keenly populated by its own peculiar brand of businesspeople, Brixton too has become the hub of another breed of businesspeople: Bangladeshis plying their trade in convenience stores on every available corner, Ethiopian restaurants promising the delights of East African cuisine and, dotted among them, a slew of pawnbrokers, second-hand furniture dealers and a promise of cash for your gold. Jutting out awkwardly from this melting  pot is Brixton’s Protea shopping mall.

Inside the mall the trade thrives just as well as it does outside. The only difference is that inside the mall the second-hand store is branded in the colours of Cash Converters. The act is as applicable to this franchise and Cash Crusaders as it is to the smaller stores outside.

The act provides for industry bodies to be accredited, allowing second-hand goods dealers’ associations to support the police in monitoring compliance through inspections and self-regulation. Cash Converters and Cash Crusaders have joined forces to form an association that will apply to the police for exemption from certain requirements of the act.

Peter Fouche, a Cash Converters executive, was loath to reveal exactly which parts of the act his business would seek exemption from. He stressed: “The areas in which we’ll seek exemptions are those that we are confident our internal processes ensure that we do not need the added safety of the act.”

So far, the most contentious requirement of the act is that a person acquiring goods from a dealer will have to provide their address, full name and a copy of their ID – a requirement Fouche said the as-yet unnamed association of Cash Converters and Cash Crusaders will seek to have waived.

He stressed, however, that the new act was actually not much different to its predecessor. The previous act (the Second-Hand Goods Act of 1955) saw regulatory powers fall squarely with the SAPS. The new act, however, allows for self-regulation within dealers’ associations. “It’s early days, we’re still considering the practical implications, but for us it’s very much business as usual,” Fouche said.

Cash Crusaders and Cash Converters together form the biggest arm of the second-hand goods industry in South Africa. They are organised enough to ensure their business goes on despite the new law. Smaller businesses, however, are more wary of the law.

Outside the mall, the managers of a store specialising in computer hardware are far less enthused by the act. They worry that it will cost them customers because it requires their customers to provide personal details. They believe people aware of the threat of identity theft will be reluctant to hand over copies of their ID documents but they insist their goods are all sourced legally.

A block away, a storefront decked out in yellow, beckoning pedestrians to sell their spare gold for cash, has resigned itself to the reality of the act. They already comply with the law by requesting the identity documents and contact details of anybody who does business with them.

Deon, the manager of the gold pawnbroker is one of the few dealers who is willing to be identified or speak about his business at all. For him, the act is already a part of his business, a reality that already has the local police checking up on his books.

“It’s just that business is so bad,” he says. “We struggle to even pay our rent at the end of the month and down the road the Nigerians are in the same business without a licence and with no worries about these checks.”

Nobody knows where exactly the Nigerians do their business on High Road. Deon claims he has no idea where they are based. The local police are similarly stumped.

Sergeant Groenewald from the Brixton branch of SAPS is pleased with the reception the act has received in the area so far. He says a second-hand goods forum established at the Brixton police station was attended by roughly 60% of all dealers in the area and the police perform weekly cluster operations to check up on the compliance of local businesses.

The act is a substantial step towards stemming the flow of stolen goods in second-hand stores in the country, but it remains to be seen whether it will be just another piece of well-intended legislation wasted on poor implementation practices. In Brixton, there is a thriving second-hand trade. Much of it appears to be above board – business people trying hard to pay their rent and feed their families. But there is also an unshakeable aura of desperation shadowing these businesses, a desperation that may well not be regulated or policed into the submission of law.

In one pawn store, a maze of television sets leading to the counter could not conceal the look of sheer panic on the face of the man behind the counter. He whispered urgently to someone concealed from view to stay where he was and refused my exchange of pleasantries, demanding to know what I wanted. “It’s a white man who owns this shop,” he said in irritation, “I cannot help you.”

Outside, a beggar cupped her hands, curtsied and asked for R5. “We are suffering,” she said softly. DM

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Daily Maverick Syria

Syria: The Security Council and the Responsibility to Protect

Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012 – 

The United Nations observers in Syria told the Security Council on Sunday that 116 people were killed. More were wounded – most of them were victims of shelling, others of gunshots.  And yet, as outrage and despair grows, any kind of intervention seems unlikely. This is Nato’s fault, I argue.

At least 116 people were killed in the Syrian town of Houla on Friday. Many of them were children. Another 300 people were left injured. Establishing what exactly happened, or who exactly is responsible is extremely difficult. The Syrian opposition blames the Syrian government. The Syrian government denies it is responsible. The West admonishes the Syrian government and Russia blames Al-Qaeda. Depending on which side of this conflict your sympathies lie, you will find someone to blame in this noise.

And while blame must certainly be apportioned here, it is foolish for you or I to attempt to use these 116 deaths to advance any side of this conflict. It does not matter to whom these 116 people pledged their allegiances in the ongoing war for Syria, what happened in Houla was a massacre.

It is in the name of international law that the United Nations Security Council convened an urgent meeting on Sunday night. Great Britain and France, bless their hearts, proposed the Security Council issue a statement saying say that the “indiscriminate and disproportionate use of force” against civilians was in “flagrant violation” of international law, UN resolutions and the Syrian government’s own commitment to a ceasefire. In the clamour to express adequate horror at the Houla massacre, the Security Council can offer only words blunted by its own conflicting interests.

For over a year now, one question has dogged protests in the Arab world. “Where is the US?” or enunciated in more politically correct terms, “Where is the international community?” The opinion of said international community is the word of the Security Council, ever ready to express moral indignation.

Last week, human rights group Amnesty International lambasted the Security Council for its failure to actually influence a peaceful outcome in Syria – or anywhere else in the world really. “The failure of the UN Security Council to take leadership has made the body look increasingly unfit for purpose,” the rights group said.

“A failure to intervene in Sri Lanka and inaction over crimes against humanity in Syria – one of Russia’s main customers for arms – left the UN Security Council looking redundant as a guardian of global peace,” Amnesty alleged.

In a sentiment chorused by many others the world over, Amnesty believes that Russia’s obstructionist stance in the Security Council over Syria is directly attributed to Moscow’s bottom line: Syria has been a convenient receptacle of Russian arms. Russia, as well as China, with some variable assistance from the likes of South Africa, blocked various Security Council attempts to enforce sanctions against Syria.

Even on Sunday, Russia sought to amend the statement proposed by Britain and France, pushing for references to “a third party” in the statement, implying of course that Al-Qaeda may be the real culprits.

After due deliberations on the wording of the statement, the Security Council finally released its missive condemning the “killings” without blaming anyone. And yet every time there has been a clamour of activity surrounding Syria, the same debate ensues and we watch the final wording of a statement or blunted resolution to find out which version of events holds more clout.

The international community has, after all, been charged with the “responsibility to protect” or, as it has become known, “R2P”.

The UN adopted the principle of R2P back in 2005 and has been chiselling away at it ever since. R2P was intended to be the first piece in a new international legal framework for stopping war crimes after a century of ad hoc humanitarianism. At its core R2P holds that when a sovereign state fails to prevent atrocities, foreign governments may muscle their way in to stop them. The do-gooders of the world, aka human-rights advocates, say it saves lives.

Others remain unconvinced. Detractors see the thrust of R2P as a handy cover-up for tacit imperialism. Yet others see R2P as nothing more than an incentive to kill because, even if a massacre has not already happened, an unscrupulous warlord may be tempted to engineer one against his own people to curry the support of the international community.

Much of the reporting of Syrian conflict has been clouded by the conflicting versions of events proffered by Assad’s lackeys on one hand, and the various guises of the Syrian opposition on the other. The Houla massacre has not been untouched by the propaganda war that to some degree takes strength from the noble principles of R2P.

At least one photograph purported to show a child skipping over rows of dead bodies in Houla on Saturday has been found to actually have been a photograph of bodies exhumed in Iraq in 2003. In the words of the photographer, Marco Di Lauro: “Today Sunday May 27 at 0700am London time the attached image which I took in Al Mussayyib in Iraq on March 27, 2003 […]was front page on BBC web site illustrating the massacre that happen [sic] in Houla the Syrian town and the caption and the web site was stating that the images was showing the bodies of all the people that have been killed in the massacre and that the image was received by the BBC by an unknown activist. Somebody is using my images as a propaganda against the Syrian government to prove the massacre.”

Much of the problem with understanding what exactly is happening on Syria is derived from the government’s refusal to allow journalists into the country to report freely. Of course this does not justify the poor standards of reporting displayed throughout this conflict but it does also explain the difficulty we have to understand what actually happened in Houla.

Even the official death count in Houla, repeated as it was by the United Nations, is the word of the Free Syrian Army. Other accounts provide a conflicting number of dead. What we do know, however, is that a great number of people were killed in Houla last weekend. The Syrian government denies its culpability. It has not denied that it did happen. On that point at least there is a harmony in the narrative.

A massacre was perpetrated in Houla on Friday.

Yet what exactly is the role of the international community in response to this massacre? Further sanctions? So far the sanctions in place have strangled the Syrian economy but it’s fallen short of actually stemming the flow of arms into Syria. Is it a no-fly zone à la Libya that we are after then?

Lest we forget, the international intervention in Libya was justified by the lofty principles of R2P. It was the first real-world test of these new rules for humanitarian intervention and it proved to have dismal consequences. Though Russia certainly acts with self-interest in its approach to Syria in the Security Council, the reluctance that both Russia and China have shown is also a consequence of Nato’s abuse of the UN mandate of R2P in Libya last year.

Nato went from its stated objective of protecting the civilian population to overthrowing the Gaddafi regime. It is Nato that has destroyed the future chances of legally using R2P with a Security Council mandate. DM

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Columns Daily Maverick

Malema steals the show, all over again

Daily Maverick, 25 May 2012  – 

In commemoration of Africa Day, Unisa hosted the 3rd annual Thabo Mbeki lecture on Thursday night. Four former African presidents discussed the politics of development, but the real story of the night sat in the front row. Julius Malema, in a red T-shirt sporting the face of Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, seemed especially to enjoy the thinly veiled barbs against the current ANC leadership.  

When I decided to be a “real” journalist, one who is paid for shifting words around on a page, I was determined to tell the stories South African media missed. I was determined to tell the stories that prove to South Africans we are not as unique as we think we are, our problems are not exceptional. I was determined to tell stories that placed South Africa within the context of a whole world. Most of all, I was determined not to chase after Julius Malema.

There were far too many journalists who seemed to have already devoted their lives to running after every soundbite he dished out. I understood his appeal. I understood the threat he presented to South Africa, but I was fed up with the bluster about Malema. In between the charge to the next scandalous Malema headline I sought to tell the stories of the Arab Spring – stories that had great store for South Africans well beyond its impact on the price of petrol.

And for the most part I’ve managed to stay true to my ambitions. I still write stories of the Arab Spring – it is so much more than a seasonal change in regional temperatures. I’ve even tried to tell the stories of Africa as a continent with plural identities, plural challenges and plural promises. I’ve tried to locate South Africa’s place in the world through the caprice of its international relations. And except for isolated brushes with stories on the periphery of the Malema circus, I’ve been able to keep away from the maddening world of the young lions.

It has been some time since the young lions were left to lick their wounds on the margins of polite society. Replacing them these last two weeks has been a great flap about a bad painting. There is more to this world than a South African president with a mortally wounded ego. Removing my head from the gigantic tin of paint then, I sought to find out how the Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi would be received when he delivered the annual Thabo Mbeki lecture at the University of South Africa.

On my way into the ZK Matthews Great Hall, I met Ethiopian refugees from the Ogaden, Ethiopia’s factious Somali region, who had travelled to Pretoria to heckle Zenawi and if they could, slip in a question or two about his authority to speak on such a revered platform. I was eager to find out how Zenawi would react. I was equally eager to find out how Mbeki would explain his implicit endorsement of a man with a rather chequered human rights record.

Yet, even before Brigalia Bam announced Zenawi had not made it, citing urgent work at home, the show was stolen by Julius Malema. Dressed in a red Zanu-PF shirt proudly sporting the face of Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, Malema’s entrance into the hall was greeted by a raucous cheer. After a few moments of bewilderment, I realised people were actually cheering for Malema. Accompanied by his full team of sidekicks, Floyd Shivambu, Sindiso Magaqa and Magdalene Moonsamy, Malema’s reception was rivalled only by Mbeki’s.

When speakers acknowledged the presence of deputy minister of science and technology Derek Hanekom, who is also the chairman of the disciplinary committee that kicked Malema out of the ANC, the atmosphere suddenly turned hostile. There were noisy jeers. And yet every time Malema moved from his seat, the crowd cheered warmly, chanting “Juju”. And though Malema knew well the statement he was making by attending the event, he shrugged off the cheers, trying his best to look the part of a simple audience member – albeit one in the pound seat.

And just like that, I became the journalist I promised myself I never would be. I chased Malema throughout the night, noting his reaction throughout the speeches and the ensuing discussion. After an opening address in which former Unisa principal Barney Pityana, lambasted the ANC leadership for “institutionalised mediocrity” after the enactment of what he termed the “Polokwane revolution”, Malema guffawed with laughter, elbowing his friend beside him to share his mirth.

`As Pityana continued to slate the ANC leadership for a lack of intellect, a lack of moral fibre and indulging its penchant for self-interest, Malema shared in the laughter, clearly enjoying the ANC’s public pasting.

And yet, was he not aware of the irony of his being there, gleefully enjoying Zuma’s fall in popularity as he once did Mbeki’s? The entire event was the antithesis of the song and dance that usually accompanies Zuma. This, after all, was an Mbeki event – where the idea of “Africa” is more wholesome, a little more tangible and where the speakers quote Plato.

As I chased Malema through the crowds, I found him conveniently speaking to an SABC reporter. “This is the kind of intellectual debate we have been missing,” he said, adding it was a fitting way to mark Africa Day.

We may sneer in derision as much as we want, Malema seems to be as popular as ever. And if the audience reaction to Pityana’s diatribe against the ruling party was anything to go by, Zuma is extremely unpopular.

As Malema disappeared into the crowd, I packed my camera and computer away a little wiser about the irrepressible appeal of Malema and that painting. It’s not them alone – it’s what they represent, the common sense that so dangerously threatens the way things are, the darned status quo. DM

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Daily Maverick

Egyptians in South Africa: Regardless of the problems, there is pride

Daily Maverick, 24 May 2012 – 

In typical Egyptian style, turnout at polling stations in Egypt’s landmark presidential elections increased just as polling stations were scheduled to close. Voting in some stations seemed destined to go on well into the night, silencing the naysayers for one night at least. Even from a distance, Egyptian expats in Johannesburg were confident Egypt is on its way to better days.

After Egyptian expats in South Africa cast their votes last week, the Muslim Brotherhood candidate, Mohammed Morsi, won 72% of the vote, winning a total of 309 of the votes cast, ahead of Mubarak’s former foreign minister, Amr Moussa, who garnered 50 votes. The remaining 34 votes went to the independent Islamist candidate, Abdel Munim Aboul Fotouh. It’s clear then that the Brotherhood, the Ikhwan, hold some sway over Egyptians living and working in South Africa.

Sayed Ahmed, sitting behind the counter of a women’s Islamic apparel store, belies the image of the Islamist. He looks more like a man-about-town than an Islamist sympathiser. During Morsi’s campaign, images of his supporters proliferating mainstream media were of bearded men or veiled women looking past the camera with an ominous glint in their eye.

Photo: Sayed Ahmed an Egyptian shopkeeper in Fordsburg is an avowed supporter of the Muslim Brotherhood’s candidate, Mohammed Morsi. DAILY MAVERICK/Khadija Patel.

So, Ahmed certainly doesn’t look the part of a Brotherhood supporter. He seems too young, too Western even. Would he not be better suited to the intellectual posturing of the leftist candidates instead?

But then he left Egypt seven years ago in search of a better life in South Africa. He didn’t have access to the privileges of a better education, like so many others. He was destined to a life spent doing menial work – hard work for pennies that never quite cover the cost of living.

Ahmed is determined in his support for the Ikhwan, unperturbed by concerns of what the rise of an Islamist party may portend for Egypt.

“We don’t know for sure what will happen but I’m hoping Morsi and the Ikhwan will do well. Morsi is the right man for now. We have to try the Islamic people now. We had Mubarak and Sadat, they called themselves liberals and now it’s time for us to have a change.”

What, though, would he like to see the future Egyptian president achieve?

“He will need to build up the economy, fix education…”

At this point he’s interrupted by a friend, Tareq Bassiouny, who interjects to explain the failings of the Egyptian education system. “They teach us from books that only they can prescribe, books that teach us nothing, keep us in the same place,” he says firmly.

Ahmed nods his agreement and continues with his to-do list for the next Egyptian president: “He needs to create jobs…”

Another friend, Mohammed Shawki, adds, “Safety.”

After swapping anecdotes of the breakdown of public security in Egypt, Ahmed says poignantly, “We need someone who will at least have some feeling for those that are suffering.”

Bassiouny has also thrown his lot with Morsi and the Brotherhood. He believes that, unlike the independent candidates Fotouh and Sabahi, Morsi benefits from having an established political party behind him.

“These others, you don’t know what they really stand for, they could just change and then what can anyone do?” he asks.

Photo: Mohamed Shawki has been in South Africa for four years. He doesn’t have much hope in the Muslim Brotherhood. DAILY MAVERICK/Khadija Patel.

Beside him, his friend Shawki chuckles in derision. “Let me tell you, Ikhwan will do nothing for the people,” he said. Unlike his friends, he’s voted for Fotouh. Immediately the others mock him, telling me that he had originally wanted to vote for Mousa – a feloul, remnant of the last regime. As his friends enjoy his obvious embarrassment, I ask why exactly he distrusts the Brotherhood to deliver on their electioneering promises.

He points to the Port Said massacre that left almost 100 football fans dead. “Ikhwan did nothing then,” he says, goading his friends to rebut him. Ahmed jumps at the invitation to defend the Ikhwan, pointing out that, though the Brotherhood had won some power through their gains in the parliamentary election, they remained docile as long as the military remained in power.

But would the military ever give up their stranglehold over Egypt?

“Nothing will stop the Egyptian people now. If they don’t let go of power, we will push them out. People are not going to stand and let them do whatever they want. No one again will do that to Egypt,” Ahmed responds, resolute. The others are silent.

Outside the store the sun is setting and rush-hour traffic has slowed lazily on Dolly Rathebe Avenue in Fordsburg. And yet Egypt, with its attendant delights and dilemmas, feels a lot closer.

I ask finally what they make of Ahmed Shafiq – a former ally of Mubarak who served briefly as Prime Minister and who, along with Moussa, is likely to cause an upset. “If Shafiq or Moussa wins then definitely the army has helped them. And we will be stuck again for 30 years with a new Mubarak until we have another revolution,” Ahmed pipes up.

There is no mistaking the immense pride Egyptians here feel in their first steps towards democracy.

Ahmed Fowzi has been in South Africa for two years. His brother, Sameer, has been here for more than 12. Together they manage a small fruit and vegetable store in Mayfair. As I enter their store, the younger of the brothers is cursing a worker in rather colourful Arabic, but he beams with pride when asked how he feels today as an Egyptian watching from afar as his country chooses a new leader.

Photo: Ahmed Fowzi did not vote at the Egyptian embassy last week but if he had, his vote would have gone to the Muslim Brotherhood as well. DAILY MAVERICK/Khadija Patel.

“I feel extremely happy. For the first time we are voting and our vote will count. What we say matters. This time there will be no vote rigging,” he says confidently.

This election is a culmination of the revolution and an acid test for the capacity for democracy in an Arab state. Remember, Mubarak opined Egypt was not yet ready for a true democracy. And yet in Egypt, as in South Africa, it has not been an easy road for Egyptians up to this point.

The South African experience proves that after the euphoria of a first election, the challenges grow steeper. Egypt will need leaders, leaders patient enough to withstand a very vocal public and, at the same time, robust enough to make real progress on the myriad promises made.

It’s still anyone’s guess who will come out on top. DM